Breaching Experiment: Wearing Sleepwear in Public

Breaching Experiment by Corpuz, Ignacio, Martinez, Naadat, and Raymundo (SA21-K)

1. What norm did you violate?

The “folkways,” a norm for “routines and casual interaction.” For our breaching experiment, we violated the idea that one has to wear certain clothes in public, and that the clothes that one wears at home or to sleep are unacceptable in the public domain. (In other words, we violated the idea that one cannot wear pambahay in malls).

2. Describe the breaching experiment in detail. What was the activity? Where did you do it?

• The group went to two areas (SM Aura and Market! Market!) while wearing pajamas and bedroom slippers.
• We arrived in SM Aura at 12 noon. We did all the typical activities that friends do when they hang out.We went to Forever 21 to look at clothes and then we ate in the food court. We also took pictures and selfies in the garden area.
• After lunch, we walked to Market! Market! in our attire. We roamed around the area and looked at some shops.
• When we were finally satisfied with the results, we went home.

3. What were the different reactions of the people? List all possible reactions you observed.

• The guard at the entrance of SM Aura treated us like any regular customer, but the people on the escalators were already giving us weird glances.
• Most adults in SM Aura would look at us or even do a double take, but would eventually look away after one or two seconds.
• Children in SM Aura would smile or even laugh at our pajamas.
• The guards in Forever 21 followed us around the store. Their walkie talkies were active the entire time.
• The female guards around the mall looked at us and smiled, there was even one who talked to one of the cashiers in the food court and said “Cute noh?”
• There were three Caucasian females who stared at us as we walked passed them. Even after we moved on to the second floor, they were still staring at us.
• While eating, there were a group of elderlies who were dining across our table in the food court. One of them noticed our attire, and the entire group looked towards our direction at the same time.
• We walked around the Sky Garden of SM Aura and a group of old ladies saw us and asked us to take their picture for them. They were so entertained with our outfits that one of them even asked us where we’re from. When she found out that we were from Ateneo, she told us that she was an English teacher. Her name was Ma’am Fernandez. She then asked us why we were wearing our pajamas. When she found out it was for a Breaching experiment, she laughed and decided to take our picture using her iPad and promised us that she would email it to us.
• While Micah was ordering her food at Pepper Lunch, the cashier thought that she was with the couple behind her.
• When we were walking around the Sky Garden, almost everyone literally stopped and stared at us as we passed by, and everyone was quiet.
• Many people looked, pointed, and laughed at us on our walk to Market! Market!
• One girl even shamelessly gave us a once over right beside us and remarked “What the f*ck.”
• An Oriental family (was not able to observe from which Asian country they were from) slowed down and stared at us as we crossed paths.
• As we neared Market! Market!, a teenage boy took his phone out and tried to take a discreet selfie of him with us in the background. But it was not discreet because we noticed.
• The adults in Market! Market! really stared at us from the moment we caught their eye until we were out of sight.
• The children were also noticeably more vocal with their reactions. They would really stop, point, and ask other people to look at us, too.
• On the way back, an old Japanese man said “I like your shoes” with a smiling face
• Some people looked at us from head to toe and it seemed like they were bothered by what we are wearing.

Why did these people react in the ways that they did? 

These reactions were caused by the clear lines there are that separate types of clothing and the occasions one is allowed to wear them-- the way it is inappropriate to wear a long formal gown to a cocktail party or the way it is okay to be scantily clad in a bikini in a beach, but not okay to strut in them in public parks. The idea that we wore clothes meant for the bedroom to commercial areas baffled the people around us. The idea that we were lazy to dress up or that we had poor fashion sense is also tied to our attire. One of our groupmates even suggested that the people might have thought that we were mentally ill for wearing such clothes in malls (especially since we had those fluffy bedroom slippers and stuffed toys with us).

What caused these reactions?

We feel that these reactions were caused by the fact that we were wearing clothes that were out of the ordinary for one to wear to the mall. And it wasn’t even something subtle like just holding a stuffed toy or wearing the slippers. It was the entire outfit, the bedroom slippers, the pajama pants, the baggy shirts, our hair was even tied and up and braided which completed the entire look.

Did the deviant act re-affirm/reinforce the existing norms based on these reactions?

Yes it did, because the negative reactions around us would ingrain the thought that these kinds of clothing, when worn in malls, would elicit judgment from the public. The passersby who were neutral about our outfits would see that if they did the same, they would be stared at, pointed at, and laughed at. Therefore, those in the scene would think that in order to avoid this kind of treatment from strangers, they must not violate the norm of wearing casual clothes instead of pajamas in malls.

4. Aside from the norms, what sociological themes are at play for people to react in a certain way? Is it a function of gender (gender norms, roles), social class (norms of the rich and poor), values/beliefs of institutions (religion, family, peer group, etc.) [You could compare reactions according to gender, social class, etc. That would be more interesting - and might obtain a better grade!]

A. Social Class

1. Upper Class/ Middle Class (SM Aura)

• The people were more discreet when they look at us. When we saw them staring, they immediately looked away. They also tried to avoid eye contact. It gave us the impression that although our outfits were unfit for the place, the people did not want to draw any unwanted attention to us. However, it is hard to tell whether they looked at us because of our outfits or because we were in their way, and it was inevitable they would see us. And just because they saw us, it does not mean that they looked at us. In summary, the crowd of SM Aura (with the exception of a few) generally did not pay us any attention.

2. Lower Middle Class/ Lower Class (Market! Market!)

• People in Market! Market! were more expressive about their opinions on our choice of attire. They stared at us and gave us “once overs” when we walked past them. They would also make eye contact and had a judgmental look on their face when they saw us. Some people were even pointing and laughing.

B. Gender

1. Females

• The females were more verbal and blatant than the males. Their gaze followed us while we were walking, and they even urged their friends to look at us. 

 

b. Males

• Males did not pay much attention to what we were wearing. But when they did, they looked at us from head to toe.

C. Age

a. Babies and Children

• This age group were amused and entertained with our outfits. They were also cute about their judgment when they saw us. They would point at our stuffed toys and slippers and would smile/laugh at what we were wearing. 

b.  Teenagers

• They kept quiet, but they would still look at us.
• Some would tell their friends about what we’re wearing and they’ll talk about us behind our backs (after we pass by them).

 

c.   Adults

• Same as the teenagers. However, the parents would either point at us so that their kids would notice our group or would be forced by their kids to look at us.

d.   Senior Citizens

• They were more judgmental about how we looked. They would stare at us longer than the appropriate time. Some would even have an expression of disgust. There was even a group of elderly females who approached us and pried into the reason for our outfits.  

5. How did you feel when you did this experiment? How does it feel to deviate from the norms? Were you hesitant to do the activity?

When we did this experiment, we felt judged, especially by the people who were giving us once-overs. But, we also felt comfortable because we were wearing clothes for sleeping and shoes that are meant to be used inside the bedroom. Most of us agreed that we would wear sleeping clothes and bedroom shoes in public if people wouldn’t judge us. Moreover, deviating from the norms felt enthralling because we never thought that we would do such a thing. We were excited, but at the same time a little scared, because we didn’t know how people would react. When we got dressed and we were about to enter SM Aura, we were a bit hesitant to do the activity because we didn’t know if the guard would let us enter or not. Once we were able to enter, we started feeling comfortable because no one was really giving us the attention that we expected we would get (most of the people were just subtly looking, somewhat laughing, and pointing). However, when we went to Market! Market!, that’s where we felt extreme judgment because the looks that people were giving us were exceptionally harsh. But after a while, we got used to the reactions of people so we were still able to finish the breaching experiment.

6. Other observations and analysis that you may have on the activity and on deviance in general.

Deviance is defined as a “recognized violation of a norm.” Generally, people from different social classes have varied reactions to the breaching experiment. However, none of them openly asked us as to why were dressed in such a way (except for the lola who asked us to take a picture of her and her friends). Security personnel also followed us around perhaps because, we didn’t look like “normal shoppers.” Despite violating a certain norm, none of the observers confronted us because people almost always avoid conflict. Thus, deviance, based on our breaching experiment, generates certain reactions from people, but not to the point that they will initiate an argument or create a scene in public.

Breaching Experiment by BAMF

The main aim of the breaching experiment was to challenge norms of personal space and stranger companionship particularly in the Ateneo campus setting.

The breaching activity involved at least two of the experimenters walking closely on both sides of the unknowing participant. Various experiments were done at different times of the day and in different locations inside the Ateneo de Manila University Loyola Schools campus. One set of experiments was done in SEC Walk. A member would wait on the far end of SEC Walk to capture the experiment on video while two other members stay put on the other end. Any lone passerby is immediately a candidate for participation. The two members would walk beside the target individual and would say as close as possible to (1) indeed challenge the previously mentioned norms and (2) to more accurately observe the participant’s reaction.

The reactions gained from participants of the breaching experiments varied:

·         Give suspecting looks “So weird…”

·         Slow down or increase their pace or stop completely for a while as if considering going the other way

·         Walk to the side to “get rid” of one of the experimenters

·         Attempt to normalize the situation by checking their phones, looking down, reading papers or books they have with them

People not directly involved in the experiment also gave critical looks during the experiment, especially the ones done in SEC Walk. These reactions, both from “victims” of the deviance experiment and the audience, reaffirm existing norms of the value given to personal space and stranger interaction in this specific culture: Ateneo culture and/or Philippine culture (and perhaps most other cultures). They confirm that most people find it weird and uncomfortable when a stranger would challenge the boundaries of their personal space in public.

For the members, on the other hand, felt hesitant to perform at first. The knowledge of having to do a deviant act encouraged the feeling of discomfort (just like the participants), shame, and even guilt at subjecting others to an awkward situation. Most of these feelings were present only at the start, where many failed attempts were made. With more and more trials, however, the deviant act became normal and fun, specifically in witnessing reactions.

Other than norms, reactions to the experiment also reflect other functions and institutions in the particular society.
For example, the experiment is a way of stressing the significance of bonds formed in peer groups, family units, and organizations. While performing the experiment, it can’t be avoided to encounter students one of the members is already acquainted with (classmate, block-mate, org-mate, etc.). These particular individuals were either not targeted as a participant or followed instead by members in the group whom they don’t know or are close to. This was done for the preservation of the “stranger” aspect of the experiment.
Elements of social class can also be observed through the experiment. The Ateneo is labeled as a “school of the rich” and it is considerably true. Given that, an analysis of outlooks on personal space can be given. Most students travel by a private-owned car to school, a fact that may amount to giving higher importance to personal space, compared to, for instance, someone from the lower class who travels to work via the heavily crowded LRT daily.
Examining the overall experiment, some insights were generated among the group. For one, the reactions loosely followed a pattern of initially finding the deviant act unusual, followed variably by cluelessness or attempts to normalize the situation. In the first instance, debriefing produced a visible relief out of the participant and in the second, a sense of “I knew it all along” or “I had a feeling it was for a project.” Second, being on the performing end of a deviant act makes the act easier to accept and un-label as deviant – as in the case of the experimenters. Applying this in deviants of a larger population, their side of reasoning becomes less unclear (not necessarily clearer) due to the possibility that they do not see their acts as deviant anymore.


BREACHING EXPERIMENT by BAMF (Avila, Espartinez, Khoo, C Mendoza, Ouyang, Reyes)

Makati: Making It Happen

By: Chelsea Ericka Caritativo 

SA 21 - G 

Why Makati? 

I chose Makati because it's a city that is so diverse. I want to disprove the misconception of a lot of people that the place is only for the rich. It's impossible that such a place exists here in the Philippines as poverty strikes everywhere, even though the kind of poverty in this city may very well be different from the kind of poverty other cities experience. Aside from that, I want to explore the city my father grew up in and discover why he loves it. 

Sidenote 1: I currently live in Makati. I grew up in Mandaluyong and Pasig though.

Strategy

It's a good thing that I was skimming through my facebook when notification popped out indicating Ma'am Roque's post about the individual fieldwork. I downloaded the file and luckily, I was near the Ayala Museum. I visited the place about 6 o'clock in the evening, Sunday. 

I did the other tasks last Wednesday, February 6, after my 3:30 class. My mom went with me throughout the fieldwork. :) (As I don't know how to commute, much less cross major roads properly) I interviewed the locals first, went to the churches, visited the cemetery, dropped by the scary place of my choice, and went on a trip to Guadalupe for the restaurants and public market. I came home at around 9 pm.

Heart of the City: The Locals

Person/s Interviewed: Mrs. Grace Malgana and Mr. Paterno Lubenia 

Throughout my interview with Mrs. Malgana, a sari-sari store owner, and Mr. Lubenia, her friend and neighbour, I noticed how they classify the spots found in Makati with the words "ay pang-sosyal", and "pang-atin". I asked them what do they meant about those words, and they replied that some places are understood to be just for the rich or made for the rich, while the "pang-masa" places are for everyone excluding the upper class. There is also the matter about how they view the whole city as a face with an elaborate mask. As Mrs. Malgana remarked, "Yun nakikita lang ng iba sa Makati, pera dito, pera doon. Ayala lang ang alam nila. Hindi nila nakikita 'yung mga kawatan at mahihirap."

The concept of social inequality can be seen in motion during the whole task. When I was asking them about the economic, religious, political, and tourist spots, they kept on classifying each place they mention into bourgeoisie or proletariat. They also ranked themselves which showed that the ordinary citizens like them are stratifying themselves into categories. The conversation also showed signs of Marx Weber's class, power and status theory as I also heard them talking about people who became part of the upper class because of their riches, their positions in the government and their prominent surnames. 

I felt anxious yet excited as I continued to speak to these kind locals. I never thought that they would willingly oblige to my request. Moreover, they were really welcoming for they made me feel at ease with a small bottle of coke. :) Anyway, my prepared questionnaire helped me in steering the conversation. I drew a simple social map out of their answers. Here is a computerized version of my map: 

Three Churches for All Classes 

Key Informants: Mrs. Malgana, Mr. Paterno Lubenia, and Mrs. Caritativo (Mom) 

I went to the two churches mentioned by my interviewees, the Santuario de San Antonio Church and the Nuestra Senora de Gracia Church. Sto. Nino de Paz Chapel was suggested by my mom. 

1. Santuario de San Antonio Church 

• Located in Barangay Forbes, Makati
• Built: April 16, 1975
• Architecture: Floor plan is based on Latin Cross; It is a Franciscan-type of church based on the façade.
• Patron Saint: The vicariate is Our Lady of Guadalupe and the titular patron saint is St. Anthony of Padua 
• Reason for Naming: St. Anthony is a well-known Franciscan priest who was born and raised in a wealthy family who chose to live a life of prayer. He is known as the patron of those who are in search of something that was lost. The founders thought that he would remind the major social class surrounding the area to search for what is truly important in life. 
• Social Class: Classes A and B – the rich. When I went there, there was a wedding ongoing and from the looks of it, the couple came from upper-middle to rich families. Gowns and dresses were obviously made from silk and other expensive fabrics. Cars of luxury brands were parked row by row. 
• Other notable observations: Paintings and big statues everywhere. The altar made of first-class wood and gold linings looks so pretty. (I wasn’t allowed by the guard to take pictures. )

2. Sto. Nino de Paz Chapel 

• Located in the heart of the Greenbelt chain of malls, Ayala, Makati
• Built: July 28, 1983
• Architecture: Dome-type of church; Circular structure 
• Patron Saint: The Child Jesus 
• Reason for Naming: The founders wanted to inspire the parishioners to become like the Child Jesus – joyful in worship and prayer, and receiving the preachings with an open heart and mind. 
• Social Class: Classes B, C and D – basically the middle class. There were office workers, mall employees, students and families praying there when I visited. 
• Other observations: The Chapel stands in the middle of a big pond! 

3. Nuestra Senora de Gracia Church 

• Located in Barangay Guadalupe Viejo, Makati 
• Built: 1629
• Architecture: Mainly Baroque, since it was infused with different styles after reconstructions 
• Patron Saint: Our Lady of Guadalupe 
• Reason for Naming: The whole barangay where the church was located was dedicated to Our Lady of Guadalupe by the Spaniards. 
• Social Class: C, D and E – middle to lower class. There was a novena ongoing where the attendees are mostly old women. 
• Other observations: This historical church is absolutely breathtaking! It’s like every part of it has a story. 

Over-all thoughts: 

The three churches have so many differences from one another, starting with the social classes present in them. Santuario de San Antonio can be perceived as the church for the rich, as the paintings, statues, aircons up to their simple candle holders symbolize a culture of extravagance. The language used is straight English (and may I just say, the bride and groom both have an accent). Even the guard spoke English! Greenbelt, meanwhile, is a place for the upper, middle and the working class. The circular structure had this feel of the church trying to reach out to every class. Everywhere you turn, there is a bridge way leading to the entrances. I also noted the expressions of the church-goers. I saw a man who loosened his tie and bowed his head. I thought that maybe the chapel was a place for him to release his backstage self. Lastly, Nuestra Senora de Gracia represented the stereotypical assumption that the old women are the ones who are really going to the church. I saw maybe a male or two in a crowd of singing lolas. From what the attendees were wearing (old skirts, shawls, headbands, some carried bags), I concluded that most of them belonged to the middle-lower classes. No cars were parked too (except ours). 

I also think the church serves as an institution that promotes conscience, shame, and guilt. Not that it's an anti-deviance place, but it reminds people to maintain order by not doing crimes and conforming with rest of the society in abiding the laws. It's a place of control, where one person (the priest) has the power to influence his audience and implant ideas and restrictions. People have roles to play (e.g. choir member, lector, audience etc.) when they are inside it. 

I really enjoyed exploring the three churches. It was amazing how one perspective can affect the way I looked at them. 

Where's the Place for the Dead?

Key Informant: Guard at the South Cemetery

Makati Public Cemetery

This is the only cemetery in Makati, as South Cemetery, though inside Makati’s borderlines, is owned and managed by the Manila City Government. This resting place for the dead is being demolished and other tombs were already transferred to other cemeteries. The caretaker said that they stop accepting funerals at the end of 2011. Despite these factors, I was still able to collect 25 names and determine the oldest and newest tombs from those tombs that were still intact. 

(Note: It wasn’t safe to bring out my SLR since there were informal settlers and mysterious personas living inside the untended cemetery. I used my phone to take the pictures of the oldest and newest tomb.)

Oldest tomb - Cristita B. Cacho:  born April 17, 1956;  died Sept. 19, 1960

Newest tomb - Sharmane Macalla:  born May 15, 1999;  died Nov. 1, 2011

Here's the list of 25 names: 

Name	Age	Date of Birth	Date of Death
1. Antonio G. Regala	61 yrs. old	Sept. 3, 1906	Sept. 12, 1967
2. Avelina Dones	50 yrs. old	Nov. 10, 1938	May 14, 1989
3. Victoria Garcia	36 yrs. old	May 24, 1970	Nov. 4, 2006
4. Deogracias dela Rosa	64 yrs. old	Oct. 22, 1923	Aug. 17, 1988
5. Jose Torrefiel Sr	61 years old	Jan. 8, 1938	Mar. 19, 1999
6. Virginia I. Nievera	6 years old	June 26, 1967	Nov. 18, 1973
7. Joan Grace N. Hernandez	1 year old	July 8, 1994	July 19, 1995
8. Cipriano M. Santos	52 years old	Sept. 26, 1915	Jan. 13, 1968
9. Wilfredo Atilano	67 years old	Oct. 10, 1918	Feb.14, 1986
10. Apolinario Martines	62 years old	Dec. 4, 1915	Apr. 3, 1978
11. Cristina Alocillo	76 years old	July 24, 1912	May 12, 1989
12. Jeremy Bautista	2 years old	Nov. 25, 1982	Nov. 25, 1984
13. Soledad E. Laysico	60 years old	Nov. 14, 1910	Feb. 20, 1971
14. Neri de Torres	65 years old	Dec. 25, 1926	Sept. 9, 1992
15. Francis Mansibang	74 years	March 20, 1930	Oct. 21, 2004
16. Eugenia L.Villanueva	71 years old	Nov. 15, 1918	Nov. 7, 1990
17. Nelson S. Luquias	12 years old	May 15, 1960	May 23, 1972
18. Cresencia F. Quinio	65 years old	May 5, 1922	Dec. 27, 1987
19. Mary Jane M. Serapio	26 years old	May 18, 1974	May 13, 2001
20.Marciano A. Pedrosa	49 years old	May 15, 1935	Jan. 5, 1985
21. Carlos S. Pagulayan	51 years old	Sept. 21, 1946	Sept. 4, 1998
22. Felisa R. Velasco	78 years old	Apr. 25, 1896	Nov. 5, 1974
23. Enrique L. Acutayan	23 years old	March 17, 1966	Oct. 4, 1989
24. Vicente Castro	75 years old	Aug. 26, 1926	June 30, 2002
25. Catalina C. Tagala	78 years old	Feb. 14, 1929	Nov. 28, 2007

The decade with the highest mortality rate according to the list is the 1981-1990. The ages vary, three died when they were still kids, three on their adult life, and the other three died presumably of old age. I cannot make a comprehensible guess on why this decade had so many deaths only that perhaps, the health services of the city at that time weren’t effective and efficient as the country, at that time, was experiencing a lot of changes in terms of political power. People were more focused on standing up from the fall that is Marcos. 

The second and the third highest mortality rates are 1991-2011 and 1971-1980 consequently. Again, I can't find a common reason why the people died at those decades. Most of them died because of old age. The only difference of these two decades are the context of the living conditions of the people. The first enjoyed the advancement and mesh of technology within the culture, while the latter suffered from the Marcos regimen. 

As for the names, most of them were very Spanish-inspired considering that no one was born while the Spaniards were still colonizing the country. A few names reflected the America's influence, specially those who wore born in the later years. I was thinking that maybe Filipinos is still deeply influenced by the colonizers as the names show how quick and long-lasting their marks were in our culture. 

For this experience, I felt really uncomfortable listing down those names and taking pictures of the tombs. I felt I was disrespecting their memories. Worst of all, drunkards and informal settlers were scattered everywhere. Mysterious personas were literally living there. I also saw two policemen clunking their beer bottles and chugging their hearts out. I was so disgusted. Over all, it was not a very nice trip. 

Botong's 100th Birthday 

Key Informant: Erin Caritativo (My sister) 

Ayala Museum

Sadly, photography and video-taking weren’t allowed. There were no present artists or even living artists featured in the galleries too. I decided to see and study Carlos “Botong” V. Francisco’s murals and paintings instead. Luckily, there were inscriptions and a documentary explaining his life and art.

Botong Francisco is from a period where being an artist is considered as a "prestigious" job of the social class. Born in 1912, he grew up in an environment where Americans were stressing the importance of education. He studied in UP School of Fine arts and learned from Fabian dela Rosa, another renowned painter. Mr. Francisco also witnessed the short-lived Japanese occupation and the start of independence of the Philippines. 

He is considered as one of the pioneers of Filipino modernism. His art is known for featuring everyday life in Angono, his hometown, and historical pieces and narratives. What sets him apart from other European and American painters is how he treated his subjects and drew them as if they were part of a tapestry, with brilliant colors and a touch of folklore, giving them a sense of dynamism and life which is only marked as Filipino. In his pieces, he showed his ideal society and reflected the real society around him. His art became a medium of the Filipino culture and the presentation of himself as a native. 

Melting Pot of Regions 

Key Informant: Miss Vendor at one of the eateries in Guadalupe

Guadalupe Public Market 

Makati is the financial capital city of the country, and is not known to process anything than money (I’m kidding haha). It does not produce any agricultural, aquatic, wooden or food products that other places like Marikina and Laguna have. The only thing I’ve gathered when I visited the public market is that the products of other localities and cities are available there. It is a melting pot where one can buy anything on his whim. There are no imported products though. ;) 

I asked the people why most of the vendors were females. They said that women, in general, are more "magiliw" with the customers. Plus, males do all the heavy work like butchering the pork, carrying the bulk of products etc. I definitely sensed some gender inequality there.

Tasting the Past 

Key Informant: Customer at Mrs. Malgana's sari-sari store 

Eateries and "Carinderias" in Guadalupe

I tried to ask around what delicacy or viand is special only to Makati. Again, as I went around the food stalls and carinderias, the food servers and chefs told me that there is no native Makati dish. However, they said that most eateries or even restaurants in the city specialized in Spanish-inspired Filipino food like Mechado. 

I guess Filipino restaurants specialized in Spanish dishes simply because of the cultural mobility of our food choices. They were the longest foreigners here, and their culture has the greatest impact on ours. In time, we have made different versions of these viands as we try to embrace them as our own. One popular example is the Afritada where in some provinces, they use pork and in others, they prefer chicken. 

Chills All Over the Places 

Key Informants:  Mrs. Malgana's Customer, Mrs. Caritativo (Mom), Ms. Evangeline Caritativo (Tita), Vendor at the sidewalk, Yours truly 

Some Haunted Places:

1. Ospital ng Makati

2. Colegio de Sta. Rosa, Makati (Coincidentally, this is my alma mater too. :-S) 

3. Makati Jail 

4. JP Rizal Extension

5. Glorietta 

These places are the settings of the popular urban legends because people died there in haunting and/or shocking ways. Hospitals,  schools, jails...I am pretty sure other cities also have their own ghost stories centering on these places. People remind themselves not to do the things the deceased had done through these ghost stories. Some tell these tales to scare off naughty kids or to teach the young ones lessons. Others pass on these surreal experiences because of some traditions like sleep-overs, camping etc. 

I really got scared when the informants told me the ghost stories. I remember I kept on telling myself that some of them were products of exaggeration. However, no matter how hard I try, I still hid under the comforts of my blanket when I went home after completing the fieldwork. They were that chilling.