Saturday, March 23, 2013

SOCIAL CLASS AND FOOD PREFERENCE


Members: Fuentes, Santiago, Ticman, Toreja, Uy
Section: G
 

 SOCIAL CLASS AND FOOD PREFERENCE


INTRODUCTION

Evidently, food is an important aspect of our social life. We eat whenever we hang out with friends, hold family gatherings, or do business meetings. With a wide array of food choices provided by restaurants and food establishments, it's interesting to see why people choose the food that they eat.  More specifically for our paper, we will be focusing on figuring out whether their social classes influence their food consumption or choices. The common stereotype is for the lower class to base their food choices on quantity and price, factors that would maximize their utility given their budget. On the other hand, the common notion for the upper class is that their preferences tend to be based on the quality and presentation of food that's paired with good ambiance. These raise the question on whether a person's social standing in society truly limits their access or choices of food. And to confirm or disprove these stereotypes, our visits to UP and the Fort ensure that we got to interview people from all social classes and get their point of view---from different establishments ranging from the humble isaw stands to posh establishments like Gelatissimo.


REVIEW ON RELATED LITERATURE

Food and Cultural Studies contained researches made by different sociologists, which helped give support to the group’s research findings. More specifically, the work of sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu, focused on the different consumer lifestyles among all of the social classes. He states that the experiences of different social classes predisposes them to consume differently; thus,  helping them distinguish between what is, and isn’t, their kind of thing. (Ashley, Hollows, Jones & Taylor, 2005, p. 64)  The different factors that affect a person’s decision are not only based on their economic standing and consumption practices, but in reality, goes beyond it and is also influenced by the culture of the social class that one is in. A person who is from the lower class, for example, has a different view towards food as compared to the bourgeoisie who is not concerned with the satisfactions of eating, but instead more concerned with the style, presentation and aesthetic qualities of foods. (Ashley, Hollows, Jones, and Taylor 2005, p.65)  With the different lifestyles that each social class is living, it is not surprising that food has become an avenue for self-expression to showcase the extent of one’s resources. The very purpose of food has slowly changed from something basic and biological into something that defines each social class.


Martin N. Marger’s book, Social Inequality: Patterns and Processes, talks about how social inequality greatly influences how people think, act, and decide. Just like social classes, it is also determined by a number of external factors, specifically, structural forces of the society and even global structural forces. Each person is rewarded with different amounts of resources; thus, causing a system of stratification. (Marger, 2002, p.11) Most people have this mentality that each social class shares only similar income, but in reality, they also share similar lifestyles. From the type of music, fashion, cuisine, and even as far as type of decoration, no two social classes behave in the same way. In a way, social inequality can give us deeper insights regarding people’s behaviors. (Marger, 2002, p.26)
Based on a study conducted by economist Juliet Schor, people acquired their spending habits from both the people around them and through the various forms of media. This creates a sense of insecurity in people that makes them compare their lifestyle with those who are above them in the economic hierarchy. (Marger, 2002, p.110) This wasn’t the case before because most people used to just compare their status with those of their neighbors’. What is surprising in her findings was that this mentality actually affected all social classes and not just those in the lower class; thus, in order to be at par with other people, more money is spent as fuel for what we have come to know as consumerism. (Marger, 2002, p.110)


To greater define the divisions between social classes in light of consumer spending, the researchers have found the analysis provided by the book Social Inequality: Forms, Causes and Consequences to be useful. Here, four lifestyle clusters were identified: (1) prestige acquisition, (2) everyday maintenance, (3) high life, and (4) home life. (Hurst, 1998, p. 44) These four clusters illustrate the kinds of spending patterns and rationalities that people from all social classes consider before using their money. We found this information applicable to our take on how much people are willing to spend for their meals, and how social facts affect their decisions.


In John Mariani’s Eating Out, the researchers have found a casual yet extensive advisory on where to eat, rules on how to prepare reservations, and overall critique on restaurants he deemed advisable. He emphasized the importance of a person’s reasons for visiting food establishments, for it orients the way they want to be treated, and the way they want their experience to go. He states, people go to restaurants for all sorts of reasons; food is not always the prime consideration. Some just want to relax, some want to impress others, some want an atmosphere conducive to business or romance, and some choose restaurants seemingly as a challenge to their ego and ability to throw their weight around. (Mariani, 1985, p. 15) Food preferences mainly for the middle to upper class are highlighted in this book through the various restaurants discussed, and researchers deem this helpful in analyzing material culturem social behaviorism and symbolic interactionalism perspectives.


The Sociology of Food is a compilation and comprehensive analysis of various sociological works that speak widely of eating, diet and culture. Here, the researchers have found helpful information in theoretical and sociological approaches of food, viewing it in the structural-functionalist perspective. According to the book, people starve because they lack the entitlement rights to food—entitlement through employment and earnings, through social security or through ownership. In other words, people go short of food because of the economic, social and political relationships in which they are bound. (Mennell, Murcott, & van Otterloo, 1992, p. 6) This entitlement resounds in our study’s approach on social stratification and social facts as factors of cuisine.



RESEARCH QUESTIONS:

1) What are the food preferences in terms of social class?
2) Does the social class affect the quality of food consumed?
3) How much were people willing to spend on food in terms of social class?


THEORIES/PERSPECTIVES USED

            Having accomplished all the needed interviews and gathering enough data to answer each of the researchers’ questions, the next step was to first and foremost apply the three sociological perspectives namely: structural functionalism, social conflict, and symbolic interactionism. These will help add depth to the research by functioning as a framework in analyzing the findings in all the possible aspects.

            Furthermore, the researchers thought it necessary to apply certain sociological theories in order to facilitate the connection between the different variables easier. The researchers will attempt to build a relationship between culture and social inequality. Culture is the lifestyle of people including, but not limited to, their way of thinking, acting, and basically everything around them influenced by social facts or external forces. These social patterns guide people’s behaviors and give them a distinct experience from everyone else. Our society has grown so influential that it even has the capacity to dictate one’s status and role. The way that we dress and the food we eat all distinguish and separate us into the economic hierarchy that society has provided.

            This social stratification was clearly seen in our finding and observations while we were conducting the research. Hopefully, these theories and perspectives will be able to shed some light on the current spending habits on food of Filipinos from different social classes.


RESEARCH DESIGN

Lower (Bracket D) - 0 < 5,167 < 10,000
Lower Middle (Bracket C-lower) - 10,001 < 15,917 < 20,000
Middle (Bracket C) - 20,001 < 50,250 < 80,000
Upper Middle/Upper (Bracket AB) - 80,001 < 154,750 < above

(Average Income Source: Africa, T. (Director) (2011, March 18). Family Income Distribution in the Philippines, 1985-2009: Essentially the Same. Income Distributions. Lecture conducted from Social Weather Stations, Quezon City.)

            For our research instrument, our group prepared a list of questions printed onto interview sheets for respondents to answer. There are four categories of social classes namely: lower (D), lower middle (C-lower), middle(C), and upper middle/upper (AB). And for each category we have two respondents.

            For lower class bracket, we interviewed a housekeeper at a fishball stand and a worker who makes and sells tarpaulins eating at an Archi Vicki Stall at UP Diliman. For the lower middle class, we interviewed two nurses, one at a canteen and the other at Banay Banay eatery.

            For the middle class, we interviewed two employees. The first one is a company development assistant interviewed at Papa John's and the second is a quality insurance officer at McDonald's. Lastly, the upper middle to upper class includes two students at Gelatissimo. 







FINDINGS




For the lower class (D), we interviewed a househelper at a fishball stand and a worker at an Archi Vicki stall in UP Diliman who creates and sells tarpaulins. They both get a monthly income of P6,000. The househelper is 23 years; the worker is 21 years old. Both are Filipinos.

            One interviewee eats in places or stalls similar to the fishball stand she usually eats in while the other also eats in places similar to the stall he eats in. One does not eat out often and chooses to eat at home for the reason of saving money; the other does eat out often and does so practically everyday. Both allot P100 for a meal and eat 3 meals a day. The issue of money causes neither of them a great amount of stress for the reason that they are “okay financially.”

            The usual price range at the fishball stand is around P10 while usual price range at the Archi Vicki stall is also around P10 to P50. Both find the pricing of food in their respective places appropriate. As stated in the interview, the fishball stand is known for its fishballs while the Archi Vicki stall is, according to the interviewee, not really known or popular.  One does not consider her attire before going to the fishball stand while the other does consider his attire before going to the Archi Vicki stall. One usually eats alone and the other, with his sibling. Both consider said places as regular places to eat at. As for that day, one interviewee decided to eat there because she was looking for merienda; the other decided to eat at the Archi Vicki stall because he had just passed by it with his sibling. Asked if they would eat the food offered there everyday if given the chance, one said yes while the other said no.

            Among the reasons for their eating at the places they would usually frequent were cheap prices, taste, and accessibility. In terms of the food and whether taste mattered more than presentation, one said taste matter more while the other said it did not. But when it came to taste and nutritional value, both preferred nutritional value to taste. When asked if the nutritional quality of the food served mattered, one said yes while the other said no because the all foods, to him, had the same nutritional value. They were also asked if they would usually leave food uneaten on their plates, one said no while the other said he would, but only if he did not like the taste of the food.

            Concerning whether they had specific preferences as to where they would usually eat for lunch or dinner, both said they did not have any specific preferences. When asked if they would choose to eat somewhere else or find it more appealing if the prices were too expensive for them, both said they would look for somewhere else to eat. In terms of considering a restaurant’s reputation, one said she does not consider it while the other said he does. One has not tried gourmet food yet while the other has and he described it as ‘okay’. Asked if they have eaten in hotels and other fine dining establishments, one said no and the other said yes, but only when there is an occasion.

For the lower middle class (C-lower), we interviewed a regular nurse in a canteen and a company nurse in a Filipino fast food establishment called Banay Banay Eatery. They get a monthly income of P10,000 and P20,000, respectively. One is 25 years old and the other is 39 years old. Both are Filipinos.

            One interviewee eats in places similar to the canteen he usually eats in while the other also eats in places similar to the eatery she eats in. One does not eat out often and chooses to eat at home for the reason of saving money and being able to choose the food he wants to cook; the other nurse does eat out often and does so 3 to 4 times a week. One allots P30 for a meal while the other allots P100. One eats 3 meals a day while the other eats 5 meals a day. The issue of money causes neither of them a great amount of stress. The regular nurse said that his income is enough for his daily needs and wants while the company nurse said that she is given a certain allowance for food by the company therefore saving her from the burden of stressing over money. 

            The usual price range at the canteen the regular nurse eats at is normally P30 to P50 while the usual price range at the Banay Banay Eatery is P50 and above. Both find the pricing of food in their respective places appropriate. As stated in the interview, the canteen is known for its good food or meals while the Banay Banay Eatery is known for its food referred to lutong bahay.  One considers his attire before going to the said place depending on the occasion while the other does not consider his attire before going to said eatery. One usually eats alone and the other, with her officemate. Both consider said places as regular places to eat in. As for that day, one interviewee decided to eat there because he was feeling to lazy to cook and he wanted to get full; the other decided to eat at the eatery mentioned because it was easily accessible from her workplace. Asked if they would eat the food offered there everyday if given the chance, one said yes while the other said no.

            Among the reasons for their eating at the places they would usually frequent were affordability, accessibility, good food, cleanliness, and a well-lighted and comfortable place. In terms of the food, both stated that, to them, taste matters more than presentation. But when it came to taste and nutritional value, both preferred nutritional value to taste. Both also answered yes when asked if the nutritional quality of the food served mattered for health reasons and to prevent sickness. They were also asked if they would usually leave food uneaten on their plates and both said no.

            Concerning whether they had specific preferences as to where they would usually eat for lunch or dinner, one said that it depended on situation and the opportunity or amount of time he had for eating and that he would mainly choose those places based on cleanliness of both the place and its crew, and freshness of food. The other one did not have any specific preferences. When asked if they would choose to eat somewhere else or find it more appealing if the prices were too expensive for them, one said he would be okay with it as long as eating at such places was not too frequent, while the other said she would eat somewhere else if there was a better and cheaper place to eat. Both would also consider a restaurant’s reputation before deciding to eat in such a place. Both have not tried gourmet food yet. Though both have eaten in hotels and other fine dining establishments, they usually just go there on special occasions.

For the middle class (C), we interviewed two employees of two different companies – one is a human resource and development assistant with a monthly income of P21,000 and the other is a quality assurance officer with a monthly income of P25,000. One was interviewed in Papa John’s while the other was interviewed in McDonalds – both places being famous among their circle friends. Both are Filipinos. One is 22 years old while the other is 25 years old.

            Both interviewees eat at places similar to those they were eating in, but they do not eat out often. They choose to eat at home or bring their own food instead because, one said doing so is more convenient and cost-efficient while the other said she tries to save money as much as possible. One allots P100 for a meal while the other allots P100 to P200. Both eat at least 3 meals a day and the issue of money causes neither of them a great amount of stress with the reasons that they do not deal with the budgeting in their family and have enough income to provide for their needs.

            The usual price range at the Papa John’s is from P180 to P520 while that of McDonalds’ is P75 to P100. For the one who ate at Papa John’s, she found the pricing of the food slightly expensive while the one who ate at McDonalds found the pricing of the food appropriate. As they stated in the interview, Papa John’s is known for their pizza with dip while McDonalds is known for their fast food. Both do not consider their attire before going to the said places. One usually visits Papa John’s with church friends while the other usually visits McDonalds with officemates. For the one who ate in Papa John’s, eating in such a place is due to special occasions, and that the reason for choosing to eat there on that day was because the orders were good for sharing. For the one who ate in McDonalds, it was more of a random place to eat, and that the reason for choosing to eat there on that day was because she and her officemates had left the office late, were already hungry and were craving for McDonalds . Asked if they would eat the food offered there everyday if given the chance, both said no.

            Among the reasons for their eating at the places they would usually frequent were affordability, accessibility, convenience of location, good taste and their companions’ choice. In terms of the food, both stated that, to them, taste matters more than presentation. For one interviewee, nutritional value matters more than taste while for the other interviewee, taste matters more than nutritional value. Both answered yes, though, when asked if the nutritional quality of the food served mattered – one said it was because nutritional value affects her health while the other said she prefers to eat food with some nutritional value. They were also asked if they would usually leave food uneaten on their plates, and both said no.

            Concerning whether they had specific preferences as to where they would usually eat for lunch or dinner, one said she does not have a choice because she usually has to eat at the office while the other said she does have specific preferences and the reason for choosing such preferred places would be because of the location, reasonable pricing, good taste, and ambiance. When asked if they would choose to eat somewhere else or find it more appealing if the prices were too expensive for them, both said they would choose to eat somewhere else. As to whether they would consider a restaurant’s reputation before deciding to eat in such a place, one said she rarely considers the restaurant’s reputation while the other said she does. Both have tried gourmet food with one describing it as ‘different’. Both have also eaten in hotels and other fine dining establishments, one eats there around every 3 months while the other rarely eats in such places.
           
            For the upper middle to upper class bracket (AB), we interviewed two students dining at the Gelatissimo Café – this place which according to them is famous among their circle of friends as well. One interviewee gets a weekly allowance of P500 and the other gets P1000 to P1400 weekly. Both are 19-year-old Filipinos studying at the Ateneo de Manila University. One’s parents are medical doctors, and the other’s, both businessmen.

            One interviewee eats in places similar to the Gelatissimo Café while the other doesn’t. Both eat out often though, and they do so almost everyday. One allots P100 for a meal while the other allots P200 to P250. Both eat more than 3 meals a day and the issue of money causes neither of them a great amount of stress with the reasons that they are “financially stable” and have “enough to sustain themselves.”

            The usual price range at the Gelatissimo Café is, according to them, from P100 to P720. One did not find the pricing of the food entirely appropriate while the other found it fairly precise in consideration of its quality. As they stated in the interview, Gelatissimo Café is known for its high quality or gelato ice cream. Both consider their attire before going to the said place and they visit it usually with friends or family. It is mainly during special occasions that they eat at places such as the one mentioned. As for that day though, one interviewee decided to just eat there because the food, or ice cream in this case, was delicious. The other just went, too, because his friend had decided to go there. Asked if they would eat the food offered there everyday if given the chance, both said yes.

            Among the reasons for their eating at the places they would usually frequent were the good quality and deliciousness of the food, and the desire to simply stay at the area. In terms of the food, both stated that, to them, taste matters more than presentation. For one interviewee, taste also matters more than nutritional value while for the other, taste sometimes matters more than nutritional value and vice versa. Both answered yes, though, when asked if the nutritional quality of the food served mattered – one said it was because he tries to balance what he eats while the other said she wants to get her money’s worth. They were also asked if they would usually leave food uneaten on their plates – one said yes and the other said no.

            Concerning whether they had specific preferences as to where they would usually eat for lunch or dinner, both agreed that they did have specific preferences. As for their reasons why they would specifically prefer to eat in those places, one said it is mainly because of the food, serving size, and price while the other said, it is because of food, price and ambiance. When asked if they would choose to eat somewhere else or find it more appealing if the prices were too expensive for them, one said he would choose to eat somewhere else with the exception that he would be willing to spend that much because he simply wants to, while the other said she would not necessarily find it more appealing, but that she wouldn’t mind paying more if the food was good. Both would also consider a restaurant’s reputation before deciding to eat in such a place. Both have tried gourmet food describing it as ‘yummy’ and ‘cool’. Both have also eaten in hotels and other fine dining establishments, and do so at least once a month.


ANALYSIS

People are products of their social environment, just as Emile Durkheim suggested. We have come to find that most of the things related to food preferences do not purely come from our respondents; rather, they are affected by the various factors around them. Among all of the reasons mentioned by our respondents, all social classes decide on where to eat based upon their location (convenience), the prices of the food served and the overall taste in which they would consider the items served as “good food”. It is also observable that the affordability of the food was mostly the consideration of brackets C, C (lower) and D, while neither of our two respondents from brackets AB mentioned this consideration at all. Several of our respondents would go to an establishment because they are going with their friends or family. Lastly, it was seen that only the respondents from the AB bracket would buy food because of their desire to stay at the area/establishment. These results tell us that each person’s food preferences are shaped by the people surrounding them, as well as the social factors in which they grew up in or are currently part of.  It is possible, then, that if a person grew up in a family from bracket C, C (lower) or D, he or she would be more likely to prefer food that are affordable. Conversely, if a person is born into a family from bracket AB, he or she is more likely to buy food from establishments they wish to just “hang out in” and may not even consider the affordability of the aforementioned location.

Aside from their social environments, people’s food choices are also affected by their local culture. Our respondents are all Filipinos, and we can see that the Philippine context and culture has affected their preferences and approach when it comes to spending on food. The respondents coming from bracket D tend to eat fishballs for ‘mirienda’, the respondents coming from bracket C (lower) tend to prefer local dishes and meals and the respondents coming from brackets C and AB tend to prefer internationally influenced dishes. Fishballs are cheap local fare and are found almost everywhere in the Philippines, making it a logical choice for our respondents to regularly eat this as their midday snack. The internationally influenced dishes that are preferred by brackets C and AB, on another hand, may be linked to the colonial mentality that the Filipinos have come to acquire due to the extended periods of being colonized by western countries.

Food choices are also affected by the ‘high culture’ and the ‘popular culture’ in the local context. Bracket AB are mostly influenced by what is considered as ‘elite’. This claim was supported by the fact that both our respondents consider the establishment’s reputation first before deciding to be a patron. On another hand, food such as isaw, kamoteque, turon, balut, fishballs and the like are considered local fare and are popular throughout all social classes.

Given the social structures in place people from the various social classes (with their statuses) act according to what is expected of them (their roles). People from bracket AB are expected to dine at more expensive restaurants, and eventually, the people under this bracket choose to do so. In our study, the people we interviewd from bracket AB were dining at Gelatissimo, an ice cream cafe which serves 1 scoop of ice cream for P110 (which is not considered cheap when it comes to ice cream). In the same manner, people from bracket C (lower) and D are not expected to dine at high class restaurants, and most of the time, they themselves also choose not to do so. Some of our respondents coming from the aforementioned brackets have not even encountered gourmet food and other specific cuisines.


Structural Functionalism can be observed in almost every social situation. Applying this perspective in our study, we have seen that the establishments and restaurants are sustained by their customers. Without their target markets and respective customers, these establishments would not survive.

Applying the perspective of Social Conflict to our study, we have found that inequality is clearly seen through our respondents’ answers. Brackets AB to C have a tendency to spend more for the sole reason that they have more money in their pockets, with the respondents alloting P100-P250 for every meal. On another hand, brackets C (lower) and D allot less money in comparison, usually spending only P30-P100 per meal. It can be observed that people’s perceptions on what is ‘expensive’ depend on the social/income bracket they belong to as well.

As for Symbolic Interactionism, in application to our study, it can be deduced that other people’s perceptions of food (how it tastes, its reputation, etc.) affect our respondents’ choices. If they hear good news about a certain restaurant, they are more inclined to try it. If their friends/co-workers eat there, they are more inclined to eat there as well.

Lastly, despite income brackets and social conflicts, it all boils down to a person’s personality (which is formed by his/her external environment). George Herbert Mead claimed that social experience develops an individual’s personality, which tells us that regardless of the income bracket, a person’s preferences and behaviors still vary. People from bracket AB may still opt to buy cheap street food like isaw, balut, and people from bracket D may still opt to try gourmet food if they are able to save up for it.





CONCLUSION

Taking into consideration our findings and analyses, the group has come to a conclusion that food preferences are affected by social facts, culture, and symbolic interactionism. Lower classes value affordability and regularity in their preference, and favor local dishes. While the upper classes’ consider ambience, reputation and largely opt for international cuisine. Most of their preferences are influenced by what is considered ‘elite’.

However, the classes also find common ground in the value of convenience and popular culture such as isaw, kamoteque, turon, etc. This is manifested in the Theory of the Social Self because we’ve found that despite the social brackets and social conflicts, it all boils down to a person’s personality, since people from upper classes also enjoy and are willing to pay for street food therefore social class does not necessarily affect the quality of food. Therefore, we can infer that social class does not necessarily affect food quality.

All in all, we’ve found that given the social structures in place, people from the various social classes act according to their roles. However, we have also found gray areas that vary depending on preference, personality and upbringing as some people from the upper class are only willing to spend P100 for a meal, while some are willing to spend more.



Bibliography



Africa, T. (Director) (2011, March 18). Family Income Distribution in the Philippines, 1985-2009: Essentially the Same. Income Distributions. Lecture conducted from Social Weather Stations, Quezon City.


Ashley, B., Hollows, J., Jones, S., & Taylor, B. (2005). Food and cultural studies. (pp. 64-65). New York: The Cromwell Press.


Marger, M. (2002). Social inequality: Patterns and processes. (2nd ed.). USA: The McGraw-Hill.


Hurst, C. (1998). Social Inequality: Forms, Causes and Consequences. Needham Heights: A Viacom Company.


Mariani, J. (1985). Eating Out: Fearless Dining in Ethnic Restaurants. New York: Quill New York.


Mennell, S., Murcott, A., & van Otterloo, A. (1992). The Sociology of Food: Eating, Diet and Culture. Great Britain: SAGE Publications Ltd.


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